Memoirs of Ahmed al-Katib -4-
IRAN's DIVERSITYThe moment we stepped foot in Iran, we realized the diversity of opinion and movements, we took note in the fact that the official Iranian position during the reign of Mr. Mahdi Bazragan's government favored normalized relations with Iraq, affirming the 1975 Algiers agreement. Iranian foreign minister Mr. Ibrahim Yazdi went to the Iraqi embassy on the 17th of July to congratulate them in the anniversary of the "Revolution", as the Iraqi opposition, we wanted Iran to support us and to form the launch point of our revolution in Iraq, and so we needed to re-educate the Iranian public opinion, which held a positive view of the Ba'ath regime, considering that it was the only country that sheltered revolution's leader Imam Khomeini for fifteen years, and lending the opposition a Persian-speaking radio station, in spite of the fact that the regime pressured the Imam in his last months there which led to his departure. To achieve our goal we wrote articles against dictatorship in Iraq, we launched protests on the anniversary of the 17th of July Revolution, all this caused Saddam Hussein to complain to the Iranian foreign minister Yazdi upon meeting him at the Non-Aligned Conference in Havana, he requested the execution of the editor-in-chief of the Martyr Magazine which published a caricature of Saddam when he assumed his new post, Yazdi apologized and said that the magazine is not controlled by the government in light of new democratic atmosphere in Iran.In cooperation with our friends at the Revolutionary Guard, we started to install military bases on the borders, to ease the entry of our elements from/into Iraq, a fellow fighter (martyr Talib al-Ulayli) insisted on launching military activity within Iraq, we haven't made our decision yet, but he went without our consultation or notification. He attacked Ba'ath Party cadres in Kerbala on the night of Ashoura, and then others in the military branch attempted to assassinate Tariq Aziz in al-Mustansiriya University. A certain "Khalid" attacked the ceremony they made for the victims of the explosion, under orders from leadership of the Islamic Labour, we adopted the two operations from Tehran(?). I read from reports that came from our friends in Iraq, that this "Khalid" was exceptionally brave, he was good at impersonating security men, once he went to a hall where Taha Yassin Ramadhan was supposed to be present, and he began bossing the personnel around like a true commander, he stood behind the podium awaiting the minister, but he didn't show up. Everyone thought Khalid was a hero, however, I suspected that he was a regime infiltrator in our midst, and he surely served the regime greatly when he attacked the mourners in the name of the Islamic Labor and/or Iran.All this led the Iraqi regime to wage war and prepare for it by deporting Iraqis of Iranian origin, who were suspected of being loyal to the Iranian Revolution, about 50,000 were deported from all around Iraq. Mohammed al-Shirazi called to form an army out of these deported youth and to attack Iraq, thus was "The Islamic Revolutionary Army for Iraq's Liberation" was formed, causing furhter arrests on part of the Iraqi regime.The Iraqi Revolutionary Army was formed in coordination with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, I became a member of its political leadership, which was formed out of all sorts of opposition Iraqi parties in Iran, as representive of the Islamic Labor Organization, the army was supervised by Sayyid Mahdi al-Hashimi, alongside Sheikh Mohammed al-Muntadhiri.The Iraqi regime attacked Iran in the 22nd of September, 1980.We found in war a new opportunity to topple the Iraqi regime that we couldn't shake through media, we expected that the Iraqi army would revolt against Saddam who put him through a meaningless war against their brothers in the Shi'i Islamic Iran. We even began to pack and prepare to return. As the war turned fiercer, the Iranians achieved victories, Imam Khomeini insisted on going the whole nine yards and topple Saddam, refusing all sorts of international dialog. Our hopes were furhter soaring, and we intensified our cooperation with the Iranian army, some even went to fight alongside the Iranians against the Iraqi army, as it is a war in defense of "Islam and the Revolution" against the "Infidel Baathist" regime.I wrote at the time a book in which I attempted to criticize the Iraqi Islamic movement and the religious Marja'iyya, in particular al-Shirazi's peaceful movement, identifying its strengths and weaknesses, and hoping for the support of the Marja'iyya and Vilayet-e-Faqih in Iraq in the future.ROAMING MISSIONARYBy 1982, the Iraqi-Iranian war took on a terrible, bloody meaninglessness. Sayyid Shirazi rallied to stop it, saying it's a dead-end, he urged movement members to get out of Iran. I preferred to leave the movement and to finish my religious studies, neglected since I left out of Iraq.in 1985, Sayyid al-Mudarrisi invited me to teach in the Hawza of al-Imam al-Qa'im, which included students from the Gulf, Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere, it was more like an activist school and not a traditional hawza, as students mixed jurisprudence and legal teachings with party activity and various tasks and duties.after the fall of Jafar al-Numairi's regime in Sudan, we decided to open a branch of our movement in Sudan, I travelled to Khartom via Syria and Cairo, I studied for forty days there, during which I managed to get into contact with a number of college students, some of which I managed to convert into Shi'ism. Those invited me to hold dialog with their Salafist Wahhabi friends, I went there and talked through the night, by morning I managed to convert some of them.Having formed a Shi'i nucleus we bought some of them to the Qa'immiya Hawza so that they may form the beginning of a Shi'i movement in Sudan, the Iranian government had nothing to do with any of this.NEXT: TURNING POINT

Memoirs of Ahmed al-Katib -3-
TRADITION AND CHANGEin fact, the religious tide felt defeated in the face of the Communist, Nationalist, Pan-Arab and "Atheist" currents that engulfed Iraq in the 50s and 60s, especially attracting young and educated youth, therefore, leaders of the newborn Islamic movement worked for the distant future, laying foundations for upcoming decades, active members came into conflict regarding an important topic, the legality of the Marja'iyya and the extent of its power and efficiency in leading the Shi'i street. As many clerics held Iranian nationalities, thus avowing political work, especially since the deportation and exile of a number of leading clerics in the aftermath of the failure of the 1920 revolution and the Marja'iyya self-imposed isolation. the youthful Islamic movement, led by the Dawa Party, attempted to appraoch the problem of the clerics' disavowal of politics, they attempted to cut corners around the Marji'yya, more precisely, Dawa felt pressured to exhibit its leadership and political thoery as a vanguard of Islamic activity, however, the clergy of Sayyid Muhsin al-Hakim in Najaf and Sayyid Mohammed al-Shirazi in Kerbala stood in opposition, al-Hakim issued a fatwa banning all clandestine activity, while al-Shirazi mounted a cultural campaign against the party's principle of Islamic labor, classifiying it as an "imported Western theory" that opposes the rightful leadership (Marji'yya) which is an extension of the Occulted Imam.The major accusation we made against the Dawa Party was that they are "Khalisites," in reference to Sheikh Mahdi al-Khalisi, son of a 1920 Revolution Leader Sheikh Mohammed al-Khalisi, who was exiled to Iran along with his father, Iraqi authorities only allowed him to return after the end of World War II, he pressed for Pan-Islamic Unity and was critical of many Shi'i practices, especially their abandonement of Friday Prayers, he was met with boycott if not campaigning by Najafi clerics, in particular Sayyid al-Shirazi of Kerbala who tended to strengthen all distinctly-Shi'i practices such as Husseini ceremonies and swords-and-chains flagellations, he also refused to hold Friday Prayers, because members of the Dawa Party supported Friday Prayers, al-Shirazi labelled them "Khalisites" (Sunni-like), an accusation enough to discredit them.FORMATION OF THE MARJIYY'A CURRENT, OR THE ISLAMIC LABOR ORGANIZATIONThe Shirazi was an active current since the early 50s, only it rejected the idea of party structure and organization, however, after the arrest of Sayyid Hasan al-Shirazi it realized the opportunities of such organization, and so the current heads such as Mohammed al-Shirazi, Kazim al-Qazwini and Mohammed Taqi al-Mudarrisi began to organize the youth, I was a member of the movement even before it was fully realized, having already been a member of the circles of the Marji'yya movement, I officially started in 1969, my mission was to write Islamic books, I began to introduce new patterns into our traditional ideas, emphasizing the revolutionary aspects of Hussein's revolution and his noble railing against injustice and inequality, instead of reiterating the traditional motifts of passive mourning per se.We began to have political courses that spoke about the upcoming Islamic revolution, this spirit spilled onto the slogans of the Husseini processions in the neighborhood, introducing terms such as the "Husseini Revolution", which replaced the specifically mournful lamenting that was the stock-in-trade of most Husseini processions. Albeit we endorsed a strong Imami Shi'i ideology, we kept an open mind to the more mainstream Sunni thought, in particular the writings of the Muslim Brotherhood leadership such as Sayyid Qutb, Mohammed Jalal Kashk and others.Meanwhile our relationship with the Khomeinist (League of Active Clerics in Iran) strengthened after a visit by Sayyid Mustafa al-Khomeini, they began to give us copies of Imam Khomeini's lectures of Vilayet-e-Faqih, in which we saw a compatability with our own views, this played a role in the future of the relationship between our movement and the Iranian Revolution 10 years later. DIFFICULT DAYSAs soon as Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Muhsin al-Hakim died in Baghdad at the end of 1970, a revolutionary spirit spread against the Baathist regime all over Iraq, the Shia organized a massive rally for al-Hakim's funeral, carrying his coffin the entire distance between Baghdad and Najaf, when president Ahmed Hasan al-Bakr attended, cries such as "Listen, President, the Sayyid is Not a Spy...Listen, Traitor, The Sayyid is not a Spy!", after al-Hakim died, the Baathist conducted a massive deportation of the large Iranian diaspora in Iraq, especially in the cities of Najaf, Kerbala, Kadhimiya and Basra, about 50,000 citizens who were born, alongside their fathers, in Iraq - but did not get the Iraqi nationality - were deported, they used to form a base for the religious Marji'iyya opposition, and so by deporting them the regime sought to drain the lake the Marji'yya moved about in, even though the Iranians who stayed in Iraq were generally isolated from Iraqi political discourse, which partly explains the distance kept by the Shii religious movement against direct involvement in Iraqi political affairs, but they formed a fundamental backbone for the clergy, thus the deportation of this massive number of people uprooted the social structure of the rising Islamic movement in Iraq.Facing lack of support, Sayyid Mohammed al-Shirazi found himself pressured and left Iraq at the end of 1971, thus I was promoted at the end of 1972 and we formed a five-man committee led by Hajj Ali Mohammed. In the next year the Baathist regime led massive arrests against prominent movement members such as Sayyid Kazim al-Qazwini, Sheikh Abdilzahra al-Ka'bi, Sheikh Dhiyaa al-Zubaydi and Sheikh Abdilhamid al-Muhajir, I was among the wanted but I managed to dodge the eyes of Mukhabarat. Thinking of a way out of Iraq, I first left to Bahrain in September 1973."TODAY IRAN, TOMORROW IRAQ"As mentioned, we kept close ties with the Khomeinist current in Iran, which shares our Vilayet-e-Faqih ideology, no sooner than fifteen days after the revolution succeeded I found myself traveling from Kuwait to Tehran as part of a delegation congratulating Imam Khomeini.I went with a number of friends to meet old friend Sheikh Mohammed al-Muntadhiri, who became a member of the Revolution Leadership Council, we asked him to allow us to reopen the Arabic section of the Iranian radio channel, we perceived the Iraqi regime as a "paper-mache tiger" that manipulates the world with its effective media, should we manage to uncover its fragility, Iraqis would soon revolt, and so I started writing political punditry every day after the news, highlighting the weakness of the Iraqi rgeime. We worked as Iraqi volunteers for free, and we did manage to stir some controversy, such as with our Revolution-minded Muharram special "Iraq is Seeking Its Modern-Day Hussein" (ABBAS: This was BEFORE the war broke out)the Iranian ambassador in Baghdad once asked us to tone things down, while an employee reported that the Iranian culture minister objected to our broadcasting, I also knew through a contact that Imam Khomeini himself rejected our campaign, however, we exploited the administrative confusion at the outset of the revolution and paid heed to nobody. We attmpted to stir the Iraqi people into revolution, Sayyid Mohammed al-Shirazi who came to Iran joined our campaign and began to issue repeated statements against the regime. It was obvious that our broadcasting had some impact on the bewildered Iraqi regime, which tried to respond to what we said on a day-to-day basis. Some analysts even considered the Arabic-language broadcastings as a reason for the outbreak of war.Soon our broadcast attracted the attention of the Dawa Party, whose members began migrating to Iran. Competition broke out between members of Dawa and Islamic Labor, which led to my withdrawal a year after I first started. By that time a young Iraqi conducted a telephone interview with al-Sadr I, which was followed by Khomeini issuing an open statement to Sadr I, demanding for him to stay in Iraq after news reached him that Sadr intends to leave Iraq to Iran, this statement shocked everyone, including Sadr, as it signified Khomeini prepping up Sadr to lead the revolution in Iraq, which scared the Iraqi regime into action, leading to Sadr's prompt arrest and execution.

Memoirs of Ahmed al-Katib -2-
INDOCTRINATION: THE SOUL OF KERBALAWhen I was seven I joined another school, and I was moved directly into third grade because of my previous studying, this school was purely religious, it offered syllabus in Quran, exegesis, Islamic history, ethics, jurisprudence and [artihmetic?], the school had no knowledge of modern material such as English, Geography and sciences, it did try to incorporate those subjects so as to apply as a school eligible for the official statewide examinations, but it failed to achieve that status and was shut down when the Ba'ath Party assumed power.Most of the students did not need to pass the exam and they didn't seek employment at the Iraqi government, they were either anti-Shah Iranian diaspora, or devout Iraqis who - as my father - adhered to the legal sharia ruling and refused to enlist their sons for governmental schooling.My father would often take me to the large Husseini ceremonies, the topics addressed by the orators revolved around the story of Imam Hussein and the story of his life, in addition to the issues of the Caliphate, the Sakifa and the struggles of the other Imams with the Caliphs of their times. I had no need for additional reading to understand the topic, as the child grew in those surroundings to be indoctrinaed to an extremist, concentrated Shi'i education. He would be aware of his sectarian identity over any other national, social or tribal identity. On top of that, my devout father was keen on instructing me with the speeches of Imam Ali, in particular the one known as al-Shaqshaqiya, he gave me my first book when I was 12, al-Muraja'at by Abdilhussein Sharaf al-Din, which is a Sunni-Shi'i debate between him and al-Azhar Sheikh at the time Salim al-Bushri, it concluded by al-Bushri's admittance to the validity of the [Shi'i] sect as an Islamic mode. Other books I read were "Why Did I Choose The Sect of Ahl al-Bait" by Shii convert Sheikh Mohammed al-Antaaki, there was also a teacher in our school named Mohammed al-Ta'ie from Mosul, who converted to Shiism during a visit to Kerbala, all this served to convince me that my Twelever Jaafri Imami Shii sect is the true path and it represents perfect Islam. Thus I was often puzzled, looking with a mixture of bewilderment and fury at a Sunni neighbor of ours from Ein-Tamur, wondering why is he blind to the acceptance of Ahl al-Bait.KERBALA: AWAKENINGIn the 60s, Kerbala strove to combat the Communist, Nationalist, Atheist and Western tides that invaded Iraq, I recall accompanying my father to a lecture by Sayyid Mohammed Kazim al-Qazwini in the house of a friend, he held weekly seminars for young people that moved from house to house, I was eleven at the time, and the preacher suggested the allocation of a son to study jurisprudence and spread Islam in Europe and America, without saying anything to me I warmed up to the idea and intended to be that in the future, something undoubtedly welcomed by my father and mother. I believe that Sayyid al-Qazwini was a major influence on my life at the time, he often urged the residents of Kerbala on well manners with pilgrims, to observe the hijab of women, to propagate virtue and prevent vice, and I used to carry out his instructions literally, demanding from women who bought from our shop or who walked the streets or sat in shops, exposing locks of their hair, to adhere to Islamic teachings and cover their hair appropriately, I found no embarrasment in addressing women as I was little boy, although I was almost whipped once by the husband of one of the women I advised, who reproached me and told me to mind my own sisters.When I was 14, the head Imam of Kerbala, Sayyid Mohammed al-Shirazi suggested that I don the clergy clothing of a turban and a jubba. I managed to convince a few similar-minded friends and we used to stroll the streets of Kerbala in 1967, looking very strange in our turbans but without any facial hair.One morning, to be exact July 17th, 1968, while I walking from my house to the school, I heard a voice crackling from a radio in one of the shops, many men were crowded there, the broadcaster was officer Hardan al-Tikriti, one of the Revolutionary Leadership council, he was issuing the statement for the July 17th coup d'etat, I hurried to school and told my teacher and the colleagues, as it was unusual for anyone in our religious schools to keep a radio or a television, two devices banned in the devout community at the time.The Hawza and the Islamic movement paid scarce attention to political developments in Baghdad, devout people in Kerbala lived in another age that rang centuries past, with the first men [of Islam], the culture that proliferated in councils, books, neighborhoods and lectures was all about Islamic history, the story of Sakifa and the Six-Man Council, and the injustice inflicted upon Ahl al-Bait, Fatima al-Zahra, the Battle of Kerbala, and the stories of the other 12 Imams with the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphs, in addition to exegesis of Quranic verses and interpretation of the narrations of Ahl al-Bait, however, some of the famous orators of the days would often allude to criticism of the government very subtly, or as we say: "drive in nails." Perhaps some leaders of the Islamic movement were up to speed with political developments, but they did not speak in public engagements or Husseini ceremonies about any of it, [for example], Sayyid Shirazi in particular was engaged in a heated discussion with members of the upstart Islamic Dawa Party, regarding [issues such as] Tatbeer (i.e. headsplitting, this), and other Husseini processions, Shiari himself organized a special tatbeer convoys for students of the Hawza in order to validate this Husseini activity and to silence the opposition of intellects and others. Sayyid Kazim al-Qazwini went to India in 1956, he saw a special Husseini ceremony there where Indians would ran barefoot over burning coal, and he carried this peculiar cereomony to Kerbala aided by Shirazi, which stirred the condemnation of intellectuals who sought the aid of the Grand Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim to issue a fatwa banning this kind of masochism.In 1966 there was a clash between the Shirazi following I was a part of and the Dawa Party or the supporters of the (Islamic Charity Society) which some of my uncles joined, the clash was also about tatbeer, as a party member issued a lecture attacking tatbeer, causing Shirazi members to orchestrate a rally that ended in attacking the society's headquarters and destroying it, although the incident ended with no injuries or victims, it left a deep rift between the newborn Islamic movement and the traditional devout class.Certainly we were in a planet and politics was on another... NOTES: the issue of Tatbeer is still unresolved until today. the Sayyid Shirazi al-Katib speaks of here is known to be a more hardline, extremist cleric and is traditionally its most active supporter, on the other hand, Iran's Khamenei had outlawed it,and I think that Sistani had sent mixed signals about the issue.

Memoirs of Ahmed al-Katib -1-
Ahmed al-Katib [real name: Abdilrasool Lari], is a controversial Iraqi Shii author, he started as your regular run-of-the-mill hardcore Islamist, and then suddenly did a 180 from supporter of Khomeinist Vilayet-e-Faqih into declaring that Imam Mahdi does not exist, thus incurring the displeasure of many a Shii scholar, in fact, when I asked my Badr-inclined friend in Najaf about him, he replied curtly that "his blood has been declared halal by the clergy." His viewpoint regarding theological matters does not concern me here, but his biography is pretty exciting, it puts a personal face and sheds illuminating insight regarding several things I've previously only heard in passing and without this sort of first-hand confirmation. Those include :a ) Shii atmosphere (in Kerbala at least) in the early 1960s was still continuing on the road of traditional Shii political negligement, and it tended to discourage enagagement in even public schools, they scarcely cared about the turmoil in Baghdad.b ) The formation of secret cells preaching Shii belief in Sunni countries during the expansionist days of the Islamic revolution.I've translated things I find interesting, you can read the original Arabic on his website, he also runs an Arabic blog (listed on IBC) here.----------------------BEGINNINGS: KERBALAI was born in June 13th, 1953 in the Iraqi city of Kerbala, the royal regime in Iraq was dying, while the Iraqi opposition was riding on a Leftist communist wave, or so did the regime portray for the people, particularly the devout of them. While the religiously-themed Kerbala stood in opposition regarding the royal regime which was installed following the aftermath of the 1920 Revolution led by religious cleric Mohammed Taqi al-Shirazi, who took Kerbala as his base of operations, Kerbala was nevertheless the birthplace of an Islamic movement that stood to challenge the "Atheist" wave, it was led by a group of religious clerics, with Sayyid al-Shirazi at the helm. My father was a young member of that movement, he was only 20 years old when he married, and he pledged to my mother that their firstborn would be devoted to religious life.The city of Kerbala was built around the grave of Imam Hussein bin Ali, who was killed at the hands of the Umayyad Army during the reign of Yazid bin Muawiya. It started as a small village that grew into a city that accomodates about 50,000 Arabs and Persians who emigrated during previous centuries, the city is overwhelmingly Twelver Shi'i, and has about 200 mosques, all Shi'i save one or two Sunni mosques, one of which lies in The Carpenters Street, and is exclusive to government employees and a few Sunni individuals, the mosque was easily recognized through the different time and composition of the adhan (call to prayer).At the early age of five, my mother taught me the alphabet and Qur'an recital, and when I was seven my father took me to a new private Islamic school administered, as some devout people, including my father, still adhered to the ruling issued by the religious clergy at the foundation of modern Iraq to boycott governmental schools which they viewed as a corruption of youth in order to distance them from religion and the authority of the clergy eventually. The boycott also involved the Iraqi state, its boards and its job positions.Anyone living in Kerbala would be introduced with the story of Imam Hussein martyrdom spontaneously, wherever you would go there were Husseini convoys held in each mosque, each street and each neighborhood and inside houses too, all through the months of Muharram and Safar and in many other occasionas and observations, such as the death anniversary of any of the Imams.UPBRINGING: WARRIOR WITHINone night I saw in my sleep the battle of Kerbala, and I saw Imam Hussein crying famously for people to come to his aid, and I found myself joining Imam Hussein's army against Yazid's, I told my mother about my dream, she was visibly happy, she encouraged me and wished me paradise alongside the Lord of Paradise's Youth (i.e. Hussein), my mother would tell me that we hail from Habib bin Mudhahir al-Assadi, who was a leader of Kufa and who urged Imam Hussein to come to Iraq, he held steadfast and was killed while protecting The Imam from arrow strikes as the Imam prayed on the day of battle. Thus he was buried in a special coffin, and there still is a special box in front of the tomb of Imam Hussein to the left of the entrance, I used to have a special spiritual bond between me and him as I visited Imam Hussein every week, I used to be inspired by standing there and pledging him to follow his example in supporting Imam Hussein during the eternal battle.but if Imam Hussein was killed 14 centuries ago, then another battle awaits us, and there is still an Occulted Imam to look for, the Hidden 12th Imam, my mother was preparing me to be one of his soldiers, one of the 313 Disciples, whose presence is a necessary condition for his re-emergence." (now that's some cool *stuff*!), she used to tell me that I must adhere to the most upright morals and behavior so as to be one of the disciples and to meet Imam Mahdi, who is soon to emerge and fill the Earth with justice and harmony after it has become filled with cruelty and injustice.My mother would tell me stories of how Imam Mahdi would reach out to the loyal Shia of the highest religious standard and upbringing in their times of trouble, I rememer in particualar the story of the Pomegranate, (for a detailed account of this story, click here) The story - which contained neither names nor dates - bolstered my faith in the Imam, to whom I was raised to be a faithful soldier.In those early years, perhaps before I became 10 years old, we travelled once to the city of Samarra to visit the shrines of Ali al-Hadi and Hasan al-Askari, as well as the occultation basement of al-Mahdi, we would normally rent a room in one of Samarra's residents' houses, who were Sunni, I remember that the housewife who sat chatting to my mother wanted to tease me and offered to marry me her daughter, but I quickly refused, I replied innocently: because your daughter is a Sunni like you! My mother was embarrased, and I lost a beautiful wife as the people of Samarra are known for their marvelous beauty.NEXT: THE SOUL OF KERBALA

في خطاب معتدل للمرجع عبد الملك السعدي إلى متظاهري محافظة الانبار وصف الجمهور الانباري المعتصم " بالشيعة"طالما وإنهم يحبون آل البيت عليهم السلام ,موجها كلامه التساؤلي للمتظاهرين ( هل انتم تحبون الأئمة الأطهار؟؟) فردوا " بنعم " فاستدرك قائلا " اذن انكم شيعة "مضيفا ان الشيعة هم " سنة " طالما يقدسون السنة النبوية ويعدونها بعد كتاب الله مرجعية لهم .
السعدي الذي وصل إلى الانبار قادما من محل إقامته في الأردن ,دعا المتظاهرين إلى تجنب رفع أي شعار طائفي والحفاظ على اللحمة الوطنية ورفض أي شكل من أشكال التوجهات الطائفية , حاثا إياهم أن تكون تظاهرتهم واعتصامهم ذا خصوصية عراقية وتنأى بنفسها عن أي شكل من إشكال المذهبية ووأد مفردتي " السنة " و " الشيعة " من القاموس العراق الشعبي , محذرا المعتصمين من ان الاحتراب الطائفي سيمزق وحدة الوطن ويكون العراق الخاسر الوحيد فيه .
وخاطب السعدي في كلمته التي نقلتها بعض القنوات الفضائية المرجعيات في النجف الاشرف أن تضغط على الحكومة العراقية لتنفيذ المطالب المشروعة للمتظاهرين خصوصا تلك التي تتعلق بحقوق الانسان.

هل هناك فعلا مد شيعي في مصر؟ أم هو بعبع لتخويف الشعب المصري وارهابه؟ وهل يستطيع هذا الوزير ان يقف أمام المد الشيعي في عصر الفضائيات والانترنت؟ وينجز ما عجز عنه الوزراء السابقون؟ أم هي هستيريا الفتنة الطائفية والديكتاتورية؟ أين الحرية الفكرية والديموقراطية إذن؟

وزير الأوقاف المصري: لن نسمح بالتشيع

أكد وزير الأوقاف الدكتور طلعت عفيفي، أن كل المساجد فى مصر تخضع تحت رقابة الأوقاف ولن يسمح برفع صوت يتنافى مع منطق مذهب أهل السنة والجماعة، لافتًا إلى أن الوزارة قد بدأت بالفعل بعقد دورات تدريبة للعلماء والائمة فى مجال مواجهة فكر المد الشيعى الذى لن نسمح به على الاطلاق .
وبشأن مشاركة أحد مستشارى وزارة الأوقاف فى مراسم ما يطلق عليه (ذكرى عزاء الإمام الحسين) أو الاحتفال بعاشوراء فى إيران الشهر الماضى أوضح فضيلته أن مشاركة هذا المسئول من باب تمثيل نفسه ولا يمثل كيان وزارة الأوقاف وتم التحقيق معه.
وأشار الوزير إلى أن الوزارة وضعت قواعد موضوعية لتعين الائمة الجدد في مديريات الأوقاف، حيث لن تكون هناك مجاملة لأحد أو واسطة أومتاجرة في التعيينات .
كما رحب بانتشار مجال الدعوة الآن بشكل واسع لم تشهده من قبل كاشفا أن الأوقاف تعد حاليا برتوكولات تعاون بينها وبين الجمعيات العاملة فى مجال الدعوة من بينها جمعيات أنصار السنة والجمعيات الشرعية لنشر الدعوة والتثقيف الدينى فى إطار من الوسطية والاعتدال نظرا فى ظل أن هذه الجمعيات أصبحت تمتلك مساجد كبيرة ومعاهد إعداد دعاة.
وأوضح الوزير أن الأوقاف تجرى حاليًا مسابقة لتعيين 3 آلاف إمام ، تقدم لها حتى الآن 57 ألفا ..موضحًا أن عملية الاختيارات، ستتم وفقًا لعدة شروط في مقدمتها حفظ القرآن الكريم والإلمام باللغة العربية وقضايا العصر ووجود رؤية ثقافية.
يذكر أن االأمين العام للمجلس الأعلى للشئون الإسلامية بمصر لدكتور صلاح سلطان قد أعرب عن رفضه لأي فكر يستمد أفكاره من مذاهب الشيعة حيث إن الدستور المصرى يستمد معايره فى العقيدة والأخلاق والشريعة من مذهب أهل السنة والجماعة.

فلول البعث لم يقبلوا بالدستور ولا بالدولة الديموقراطية الحديثة، يريدون ان يسيطروا على البلد بالقوة والارهاب، وعندما دخل بعضهم في الحكومة حاول ان يستغل منصبه وحرسه للقيام بعمليات ارهابية بحق المواطنين بما يشبه الانقلاب العسكري، وعندما القى القضاء القبض على المتورطين بالعمليات الارهابية بدأوا يصرخون ويسبون ويشتمون الرئيس الشرعي المنتخب من كل الاحزاب والطوائف والقوميات، ولست ادري هل هم يؤمنون بالعملية الديموقراطية المشاركين فيها والمستفيدين منها؟ أم لا؟ اذا كانوا صادقين بالمشاركة فليقبلوا بمؤسسات النظام الدستورية والقضائية ويقبلوا المنافسة الديموقراطية، وينتظروا الانتخابات القادمة لكي يغيروا المسؤولين، لا ان يتمردوا ويرفعوا السلاح واعلام النظام البعثي البائد واثارة الفتنة الطائفية في البلد

الثورة في العراق، على من؟ على الشعب العراقي والنظام الديموقراطي؟ من اجل اقامة نظام طائفي عسكري ارهابي قاعدي؟ ام من اجل اقامة نظام ديموقراطي مرة اخرى؟ فاذا كانت الثورة من اجل اقامة نظام عسكري ذي لون طائفي واحد كما كان سابقا ، فهذه ليست ثورة وانما انقلاب او محاولة انقلاب، واذا كانت تهدف اقامة نظام ديموقراطي يشارك فيه كل الشعب فهذا النظام قائم، ولماذا نهدمه؟ واذا كنا ضد شخص معين فان الانتخابات كفيلة بازاحته وتغييره

من حقهم ان يتظاهروا وان يسبوا ويشتموا ويتمرودوا ويقطعوا الطريق العام وليس من حقي ان ابدي رأيهم بهم ولا اقول انهم فلول صدام ويرفضون التعايش والنظام الديموقراطي والقانون

الديموقراطية بين فلول السنة والشيعة
الربيع العربي والعقدة الطائفية

بعد سبات طويل هبت الجماهير العربية في مواجهة الأنظمة الاستبدادية الطاغية، مطالبة بالعدالة والحرية والديمقراطية، ونجح بعضها في استلام السلطة بصورة سلمية، بينما أخفق بعضها جزئيا، ودخل بعضها الآخر في أتون معارك طائفية، ليتحول الربيع العربي في بعض البلاد الى فتنة طائفية، ومحاولة لسيطرة ما يسمى بالشيعة على النظام السني، أو ما يسمى بالسنة على النظام الذي ينتمي طائفيا الى الشيعة. وبالرغم من أن الديمقراطية تتنافى جوهريا مع الطائفية التي تقترن بالاستبداد والتمييز، الا ان الكثير من الناس انخرطوا في الفتنة الطائفية وهم يرفعون شعارات الديمقراطية، ودخلوا في مواجهات مع اخوانهم من ابناء الطوائف الأخرى، في خطوة كبيرة الى الوراء.
وفي الحقيقة لا يمكن إغفال الشكوك التي ترجح وجود مؤامرات داخلية وخارجية لاشعال الفتنة بين المواطنين في كل بلد من أجل صرف أنظارهم عن الأنظمة الدكتاتورية الفاسدة والمستبدة، وإلهائهم في معارك جانبية تطيل عمر الطغاة، ولكن نجاح تلك المؤامرات يكشف عن جهل فادح بحقيقة الخلاف التاريخي بين السنة والشيعة، ومعناه وكيفية نشوئه والتطورات العديدة التي حصلت فيه، وطرق تجاوزه، ومدى استمراره ونسبة العوامل الجوهرية الزائلة فيه، والظواهرالقشرية الباقية منه، بما يدفعنا لطرح السؤال التالي: هل الخلاف الطائفي السني - الشيعي اليوم خلاف حقيقي؟ أم وهمي؟ ومن هو السني؟ ومن هو الشيعي؟
يتفق علماء الكلام والباحثون في الملل والنحل والمذاهب على ان الخلاف الرئيسي بين السنة والشيعة وبين المسلمين عموما، كان يدور بالدرجة الأولى حول الامامة، وشروط الامام. وهو ما يعني بالمصطلح الحديث أن الخلاف كان يدور حول النظام الدستوري ومواصفات الرئيس وشروطه وكيفية انتخابه وصورة علاقته بالمواطنين، وطرق نصبه وعزله، وما الى ذلك. وقد قال بعض المسلمين بأن الامامة والخلافة من حق جميع المسلمين، بينما قال بعضهم أنها من حق قبيلة قريش فقط، وقال بعض آخر بأنها من حق عترة الرسول ، بينما قال بعض آخر بأنها من حق أهل البيت وأبناء علي، واختلف هؤلاء فقال بعضهم بأنها من حق أبناء الحسن والحسين بينما قال بعض آخر بأنها من حق أبناء الحسين فقط. وأضاف هؤلاء بأن الامام يجب ان يكون معصوما ومعينا من قبل الله. وهكذا ولد السنة والشيعة قبل اربعة عشر قرنا واختلفوا حول الامامة وتصارعوا.. وقامت لهم دول ثم زالت. ثم مروا بتطورات فكرية سياسية جذرية عديدة، ثم اتفقوا على فكر سياسي جديد هو الفكر الديمقراطي، ولم يبق لهم من اسمائهم القديمة الا القشور والشعارات، حتى أصبح بامكاننا القول بأن خلافهم اليوم وهمي لا حقيقة له. ولكنهم لا يزالون يحتفظون بالعقدة الطائفية في نفوسهم. وهذه العقدة كانت وليدة الفكر الاستبدادي العملي والنظري، وكان يفترض مع اتجاه أبناء الطوائف المختلفة صوب الديمقراطية تجاوز تلك العقدة الطائفية، والذوبان في بوتقة الفكر الجديد الديمقراطي والأنظمة الدستورية التي توفر العدالة والحرية والمساواة للجميع. ولكن مع الأسف ان قواعد وأنظمة الاستبداد ومخلفات الفكر الطائفي لا تزال تعمل في العقل العربي وتحول دون دخول العصر الديمقراطي بجدية وقوة. ولا يزال البعض يستعيد التاريخ ويتمسك بالخلافات القشرية ليؤجج نار الفتنة الطائفية ويقلب الربيع العربي الى جحيم.
ومن هنا فان القاء الضوء على العقدة الطائفية ودراسة اسباب الخلاف التاريخي بين السنة والشيعة، وملاحظة التطورات العديدة الجذرية الحاصلة في الفكرين السني والشيعي، وتمييزها عن القشور والمخلفات والطقوس، كفيل بإدراك وامساك اللحظة التاريخية باتجاه مغادرة الماضي والدخول في المستقبل.
هذا من ناحية ومن ناحية اخرى فان القيام بتلك العملية يعري فلول السنة والشيعة الذين لا يزالون يعملون من أجل ترسيخ الديكتاتورية ومقاومة الديمقراطية في داخل كل بلد عربي واسلامي، واشعال الفتن الطائفية من أجل الوصول الى السلطة أو البقاء فيها لمدة أطول.
وقد بدأت بدراسة موضوع هذا الكتاب قبل حدوث ثورة الربيع العربي بسنتين، وكان موضوع البحث يدور حول (الشرعية الدستورية في الأنظمة السياسية المعاصرة، دراسة مقارنة بين ايران والسعودية) وهو موضوع يبدو لأول وهلة أنه بعيد عن بحث العقدة الطائفية، ولكنه في الحقيقة يدور في صلبها، وذلك لأن العقبة أمام التطور الدستوري الديمقراطي في العالم الاسلامي هي (الشرعية الدينية) البديلة، وهي قائمة على الفكرين السياسيين القديمين السني والشيعي اللذين يدعمان الاستبداد ويرفضان الاحتكام الى الشعب والرجوع اليه في أخذ الشرعية الدستورية. وكان علي أن أبحث في مبدأ تكون الطائفتين وتاريخ ولادة الفكرين السياسيين السني والشيعي، ومدى علاقتهما بالفكر السياسي الاسلامي الأول القائم على الشورى وحق الأمة في اختيار الامام. ثم كان علي أن اسجل التطورات الكبرى التي حصلت في مسار كل فكر، انتهاء بالمحطة الأخيرة التي بلغها كل من الفكر السني والشيعي قبل مائة عام، وهي المحطة الدستورية سنة 1906 في ايران و1908 في تركيا. وكان يقدر لهذه المحطة أن تكون البوتقة التي تنصهر فيها المذاهب الاستبدادية القديمة، وتستعيد حيويتها الأولى، وتلغي العناوين البائدة الوهمية، وتنقل العالم الاسلامي الى وحدة حقيقية وعصر ذهبي جديد، لولا الانتكاسات التي حدثت هنا وهناك في المسار الديمقراطي وعدم فهم حقيقة التطور الدستوري وكونه بديلا جذريا عن الفكر الطائفي.
ان الشرعية الدستورية تعني حكم الشعب والحرية لجميع أفراده، والعدالة والمساواة، وعدم تقديس الحاكم أو اضفاء طابع ديني على نظام الحكم، وهو ما يتناقض تماما مع المنطق الطائفي الديني الذي يحاول احتكار السلطة في الدنيا والجنة في الآخرة، باعتباره يمثل الفرقة الناجية، في حين يقصي الطرف الآخر أو يقضي عليه في الدنيا ويحكم عليه بدخول النار في الآخرة. وهذا منتهى الاستبداد. وهو ما يقف عقبة كأداء أمام انطلاق مسيرة الربيع العربي وتحقيقه لأهدافه في بناء ديمقراطية حقيقية عادلة توفر الحرية والاحترام للجميع.
أحمد الكاتب
22/5/2012
مدخل الى كتاب: الشرعية الدستورية في الانظمة السياسية الاسلامية المعاصرة، دراسة مقارنة بين المملكة العربية السعودية والجمهورية الاسلامية الايرانية

أحمد الكاتب: لو كنت سنيا لما قلت أنا سني، ولما فكرت ولا ثرت ولا عارضت ولا دخلت في السياسة على أني سني

بغض النظر عن شرعية المطالب التي رفعها المتظاهرون في الأنبار او عدم شرعيتها، اعتقد ان الطريقة التي رفع فيها المتظاهرون شعاراتهم كانت خاطئة وليست في مصلحتهم، ولا اعرف من الذي حرك المتظاهرين ولا من خطط لهم من السياسيين العراقيين، وخاصة من اعضاء القائمة العراقية. واقول ان طريقتهم كانت خاطئة لأنها أضرتهم ولم تنفعهم وستضر بهم ولن توصلهم الى اي مكان يحقق اهدافهم. فمن الواضح من خلال حشد المشايخ السنة في واجهة المتظاهرين ورفع الصوت عاليا بانصاف اهل السنة ورفع المظالم عنهم وما الى ذلك، ان المخطط للمظاهرة كان يحاول التحدث باسم السنة وليس باسم الشعب العراقي. واذا كان المخطط من القائمة العراقية فان هذا يعني اعترافه بفشل السياسة الاعلامية السابقة التي يرفع فيها شعار (العراقية) والانكفاء نحو الطائفة، وعدم التحدث باسم العراق والطوائف الاخرى. وبالرغم من ان المتظاهرين حاولوا كسب الاكراد السنة اليهم من خلال رفع علم كردستان فانهم لم ينجحوا في كسب غالبية الشعب العراقي اليهم، خاصة وان الشيعة ليس لهم علم خاص بهم وانما يتبنون علم العراق الجديد، وعندما ترفع علم صدام حسين فانك تستفز غالبية الشعب العراقي بما فيهم الاكراد الذين لم ينسوا بعد الانفال وحلبجة وكانوا اول من اسقط علم صدام في كردستان.
يقول السنة انهم او اننا اكثرية الشعب العراقي وحسبما يقول اردوغان الذي رفعوا صوره في المظاهرات ان الشيعة اقلية، فلماذا اذن تخلى المتظاهرون عن العلم العراقي الذي يرمز الى وحدة العراق والى العراق كله؟ ان هذا ليس تصرف من يثق في نفسه بأنه يشكل الاكثرية، وانما تصرف من يعتقد بأنه اقلية.
وانا لا اعتقد بالتقسيم الطائفي ولا ادعو اليه وارفض ان يدون المذهب في الهوية او الاحصاء القادم، وادعو الى تجاوز المنطق الطائفي، ولكني احاول مخاطبة الطائفيين من اخوتي اهل السنة الذين رفعوا شعارات المطالبة بالعدالة والانصاف، واستفزوا في نفس الوقت اخوانهم من الشيعة بالسباب والشتائم البذيئة، واقول لهم: هل تحاولون تحشيد السنة العرب ضد العراق والشيعة؟ ام تحاولون تحقيق اهداف مشروعة لكم؟ ان رفع شعار المظلومية والتحدي والاستفزاز يخدم الاستراتيجية الأولى ولا يخدم الاستراتيجية الثانية، واذا كان المتظاهرون او من خطط لهم يهدف الى تحقيق مطالب مشروعة كاطلاق سراح بعض السجناء والسجينات فانه كان باستطاعته ان يركز على هذا المطالب من دون صبغه بالصبغة الطائفية وان يتقدم الى وزارة العدل او البرلمان لينظر او يحقق في دعاواه.
يقول المتظاهرون ان بعض الشيعة قد انضموا اليهم، ولا اريد ان احقق في الموضوع ولا اشكك فيه، ولا ادري هل كان فيهم احد يحمل اسم عبد الزهرة او عبد الحسين ام لا؟ ولكن اسأل عن الجماهير الشيعية المستفزة هل انضمت اليهم ؟ او هل تفاعلت مع مطالبهم؟ او ستفعل ذلك في المستقبل والمتظاهرون يصفون اخوانهم الشيعة بالصفويين والمجوس والفرس وما الى ذلك من عبارات نابية؟
بالتأكيد انها سياسة خاطئة، وأكبر خطأ فيها ان يتبناها او يدعمها الحزب الاسلامي العراقي الذي احترمه ولدي صداقات قديمة مع عدد من قادته.
واتذكر اني بعد سقوط صدام قلت لبعضهم: بأن عليكم اتباع استراتيجية وطنية عراقية لا طائفية، اي لا تهتموا فقط بالسنة ولا تدافعوا فقط عن السنة بل تبنوا كل مطالب الشعب العراقي وآماله وآلامه بغض النظر عن هوية الانسان العراقي الطائفية ، وقلت لهم بصراحة ومن دون مزايدة: ان الشيعة هم اكثرية سكان العراق العرب اليوم، وعليكم الاعتراف بهذه الحقيقة، ليس من منطلق طائفي، وانما من منطلق سياسي، فان الاخوان المسلمين اقلية في اهل السنة في مقابل القوميين واليساريين وغيرهم، والسنة اقلية في العراق، ولن تستطيعوا ان تنجحوا سياسيا وانتم تتبعون سياسة طائفية منغلقة على اهل السنة او محصورة فيهم، فلا بد ان تتبعوا سياسة او استراتيجة وطنية عراقية لا طائفية، وان يكون اعلامكم وفضائيتكم ناطقة بكل مطالب الشعب من اقصى الشمال الى اقصى الجنوب، حتى تستطيعوا ان تخترقوا الجدران الطائفية النفسية وتكسبوا الجماهير الشيعية الى جانبكم، كما نجح بعض السنة (مثال الآلوسي) ان يكسب اصواتا في كربلاء لأنه اتبع سياسة وطنية لاطائفية، وان بامكانكم ان تفعلوا ذلك في المستقبل. ولكن مع الاسف الشديد كنت اتكلم مع بعض العقلاء في الحزب، ولكن الحزب تعرض الى عملية اختطاف من امثال طارق الهاشمي الذي كان يتطاير شررا طائفيا منذ اول صورة رايته فيها، حتى اني حدثت الاستاذ عبد الحميد رئيس الحزب الاسبق عن الموضوع وقلت له ان سياسة الهاشمي تضر بالحزب وتدمر مستقبله وستعزله عن جماهير العراق
وللحديث بقية

عزيزي اخ فائز، انا اعرف العراق جيدا، واحاول ان اساهم مع البنائين لأن الهدم لا يفيد، واول خطوة على طريق البناء هو بناء النظام الديموقراطي، ونبذ الديكتاتورية والاستبداد ومحاولة الاستيلاء على السلطة بالقوة، ولم اقل ان الما
لكي او حكومته التي يشارك فيها عشرة وزراء من القائمة العراقية فضلا عن بقية الاخوة السنة الاكراد، انها حكومة مثالية، ولكن يوجد نظام ديموقراطي ومؤسسات ومجلس برلمان يستطيع اي معارض ان ينتقد فيه ويسحب الثقة من الحكومة التي اختارها البرلمان او ينتظر حتى الانتخابات القادمة ليغير من يشاء من المسؤولين، وليس من الصحيح محاولة اسقاط العراق في الفتنة الطائفية ولا اسقاط النظام الديموقراطي، ولا اقول الحكومة، ولكن يبدو ان البعض حتى الآن لم يفهم معنى الديموقراطية ولا النظام الديموقراطي ويحن الى الحكم العسكري والفوضى والارهاب